It started with the TikTok of Palestinian youth, and escalated to an unprecedented exchange of fire between Hamas and Israel. This is not a classic war, because while the leaders take care to be protected and guarded, the residents of Gaza and Israel are the frontlines. The fire is directed at them, the mutual destruction is enormous, and neither side can overpower the other: Israel is too strong, and Gaza too poor and weak. This is an asymmetrical war in the fullest sense of the word and that is why it is so hallucinatory.

What is most delusional about it, however, is that both sides refuse to acknowledge reality. Israel is deluding itself that the Palestinians can be ignored or eliminated, while Hamas is deluding itself that Israel can be eliminated through rocket fire and active resistance. Benjamin Netanyahu and Ismail Haniyeh have been playing this game for many years, even though the harsh reality hits them in the face again and again. The high, bloody price is quickly forgotten and the two leaders return to their hallucinatory lives, until the next round.

Israel was busy forming a government, after four rounds of elections yielded identical results. The Palestinian question did not come up for discussion at all, and the argument was that there remains no more Left and no more Right. The debate is no longer about whether there should be a Palestinian state, since there are no partners to negotiate with, and also because the countries in the region have already made peace with Israel, confirming Netanyahu’s idea that the Occupation is not an obstacle to regional peace.

Moreover, Netanyahu’s U-turn concerning Israel’s Arab population, and his willingness to rely on the Islamic Movement to form a government, stemmed from his assessment that the Abraham Accords with the Gulf states, then with Sudan and Morocco, ushered in a new era, in which Israeli Arabs could finally cut the umbilical cord that binds them to their Palestinian brethren and concentrate on their civilian demands.

Netanyahu failed to form a government because he couldn’t connect extreme right-winger Itamar Ben Gvir with Islamic nationalist Mansour Abbas. Yair Lapid then got the mandate from the President, intending to form “a government of change.” As part of that mandate, Lapid and his partners sought to replace Netanyahu at all costs; they sought to form a broad government headed by Bennett, which would connect the right, center, left and the Arabs. Meretz members took great pains to explain that such a government is essential, and that the common interest among its diverse elements should prevail. According to them, agreement on a national budget , health care, transportation and the needs of Arab society constitute a solid basis for proper functioning of the future government. After a few days of warfare with Hamas, however, Bennett backed away from the “government of change,” taking it off the agenda.

On the other side of the separation wall, an equally important political drama took place. Abu Mazen announced parliamentary elections. Since 2006, no elections had been held in the Palestinian Authority because Abu Mazen refused to recognize the duly elected Hamas government headed by Haniyeh. At that time, Hamas responded with a military coup, removing the Palestinian Authority (PA) from Gaza. Since then, two entities have existed. The first, the PA in Ramallah, cooperates with Israel in matters of security, and the second is Hamas’ rival regime in Gaza, which has set itself the goal of freeing Gaza from the siege that Israel has enforced since Hamas abducted Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit in 2006.

The division between Hamas-Gaza and PA-West Bank suited Netanyahu well. The Palestinian people have been divided, weak, and lacking a clear representative, so Israel could claim that there is no partner for negotiations. Hamas has attempted to break the blockade of Gaza three times, and Israel has responded with three “rounds of war”: Pillar of Cloud, Cast Lead and Sturdy Cliff. Meanwhile, unemployment, poverty, the COVID-19 pandemic, and shortages of water and electricity have created an impossible situation in Gaza.

What shook up the status quo was Abu Mazen’s sudden announcement of parliamentary elections. His motives are unclear. It is possible that Biden’s election as President of the United States convinced him of the need to legitimize his rule. In any case, after the announcement, it soon became clear that Fatah was split among various factions and would be defeated at the ballot box. 

Without doubt, the elections would have enabled Hamas to return to the Palestinian parliament, take over Ramallah and bring about a “democratic” end to the siege of Gaza. Such a scenario became a strategic danger for Israel. A democratic takeover of the West Bank by Hamas would have rendered it a legitimate force in the arena.

Therefore, Israel Security Agency chief Nadav Argaman raced to Ramallah, warning Abu Mazen that elections would be suicide. Israel cleverly provided him a face-saving pretext for cancelling: it banned East Jerusalemites from voting in the elections. Abu Mazen duly accused the Israeli Occupation of voiding the elections, proclaiming that without the Palestinians of Jerusalem, elections would not take place.

This is where Jerusalem enters the picture. For Hamas, the coordination between Israel and Abu Mazen in cancelling the elections was a red flag, because it eliminated the last hope of ending the siege. Hamas took the position: if the elections are not held because of Jerusalem, we will liberate Jerusalem! As delusional as that may sound, this was the explicit goal voiced by Haniyeh in a long and detailed speech on Tuesday, May 11th.

Hamas’ pretext for war is, as usual, the al-Aqsa Mosque, which been a political card for competing Islamist factions since 1996. In that year, the followers of Sheikh Raed Salah, the leader of Israel’s northern Islamic faction, coined the slogan “Al-Aqsa is in danger” as a way of goading Israel’s southern Islamic movement, which had split from the northern branch because the latter refused to participate in Knesset elections. Today, al-Aqsa has become a card for Hamas to strike at the Palestinian Authority and challenge Israel. The goal was and is to end the siege and allow Hamas to control the entire Palestinian arena, meaning the West Bank and Gaza, without restraint.

Hamas is going the same way the Muslim Brotherhood went in Egypt, when it rode the wave of the Arab Spring to come to power, while turning its back on the young people who overthrew the Mubarak regime. It was also the way of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood when, with the help of Qatar and Turkey, it overrode the Syrian revolution initiated by young Syrian democrats, instead suppressing democracy. The result is known. Assad is still in power and millions of Syrians have become refugees. Now Ismail Haniyeh “responds” to the call of Jerusalem’s young people and of the Arabs in Israel. Gaza, he says, cannot remain indifferent to the attack on al-Aqsa. The barrage of missiles on Jerusalem was intended to establish Hamas as the sole factor who determines, decides and speaks on behalf of Jerusalem and the al-Aqsa Mosque.

Despite all this, the end of Hamas will not be different from that of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Syria, Sudan and all other countries where they have tried to impose their rule. The fate of the Israeli Right and its partners from the Center and the Left will not be different either. Five million Palestinians are not transparent. The violence of young Arabs in Israel, 40% of whom do not study or work, will not remain confined to Arab cities and villages. It erupts whenever frustration mixes with national religious feelings.

It is time to take seriously the fate of the Palestinians. Negotiations with Abu Mazen, who has lost credibility with his people, are not a solution, nor are “understandings” with Hamas. Both organizations have proved incapable of running a state and a society, and they do not respect civil or human rights. The solution can only emerge from new democratic forces in the West Bank and Gaza, a few of whom have already adopted slogans such as “Let live!” and “You’ve gone too far!” Such voices, which understand that the problem is not only Israel, but also the corrupt and fundamentalist leaderships that are suffocating them, can be partners for a shared Israeli-Palestinian future.

On the Israeli side, the parties that make up the current Knesset have proven without exception how detached they are from reality. Two cardinal questions were not present in the last four elections. The first is the fate of the Palestinians and the future of the Occupation. The second is the climate crisis. The first will determine the fate of Israeli society and the second the fate of humanity.

The old paradigm of “two states” was buried by the Oslo Accords, while the fight for civil and climatic justice requires the construction of a joint alternative civil movement. It should be based on Israeli and Palestinian environmental and human rights organizations, which can connect these two issues for a just, egalitarian and democratic society including Israelis and Palestinians. It may be difficult today to imagine such a future, but the reality in Israel and throughout the world will eventually force a change.

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It seems the recent “intifada of knives” has been the opening volley of the next election campaign. Opposition leader Isaac Herzog’s Knesset speech, in which every sentence was preceded with the words “when I am prime minister,” left no room for doubt. He promised a firm hand against the rebellious Palestinians, and slammed Netanyahu repeatedly for his refusal to negotiate with the Palestinians which, he said, was leading to the creation of “Israstine.” Herzog smells blood, and he pounces feebly on the prey. He has declared unequivocally that he will not join a unity government, and during a recent special Knesset session held for Yitzhak Rabin Memorial Day, he threw down the gauntlet: for the first time: he reminded Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of the “balcony on Zion Square” from which, shortly before the assassination, Netanyahu had addressed an approving crowd that was waving posters of Rabin in SS garb.

A government with just 61 Knesset members (out of 120) is very vulnerable, and the power of the recent events, which have greatly increased the public’s fear, provide the opportunity for a frontal attack on the government. Netanyahu is also vulnerable: the new wave of violence has thrown doubt on his policy towards the occupation. This policy holds that the situation is unsolvable and in fact need not be solved, yet what we’ve seen in recent weeks is just a taste of what we are liable to see if the conflict continues. The murderous lynching of an Eritrean asylum seeker in Beer Sheva by a Jewish mob that mistook him for a terrorist, the attack on Bedouin citizens of Israel in Dimona by a Jewish citizen, the stabbing of a Jewish Israeli near Haifa because “he looked like an Arab,” and the mutual distrust between the two populations – all this is making life in Israel chaotic.

The recent events have filled Herzog’s sails. It appears that the Labor Party, which he leads, has recovered from the period of powerlessness that followed Rabin’s assassination, during which it tried to reach a reconciliation with the settlers instead of confronting the right wing. Now it seems the party is no longer willing to ignore Netanyahu’s role in the incitement against Rabin, and for the first time since the assassination, Herzog is using the severe biblical phrase, “Have you killed and also taken possession?” The challenge to Netanyahu is intended to bring the Labor Party closer to power after 15 long years of a right-wing government – a government which has caused the collapse of the Labor Party and has led to the ostracism of Israel.

Meanwhile Netanyahu is writhing like a wounded animal and seeks any way out of the political mess he’s in. He has approached the Americans, spoken with the Jordanian king, and called on Herzog to join a “national emergency” government. In his distress, he has even tried to get himself invited for a speech to the Center for American Progress, a think tank close to the Democratic Party, when he visits Washington at the White House’s invitation. But it seems the whole world has changed. The Democrats remember very well how Netanyahu affronted Obama by his speech before Congress and his incitement against Arab citizens of Israel during the last elections. Friendly Arab states are also sick of his provocations on Al-Aqsa, and Herzog refuses to take the rap for him.

But there’s a fly in the ointment: Herzog has no partners among the Arab citizens of Israel, and without Arab votes he cannot win. Labor’s years of appeasing the right wing and even participating in the previous Netanyahu government have engendered the feeling among Arab Knesset members that they are not wanted as partners. Even at a time when the Joint Arab List contains 14 Knesset members, Herzog is still not interested. To get to the coveted prime ministerial seat, he has to break sharply rightwards, since his natural partners in any future government – the Haredim, Moshe Kahalon’s Kulanu party, and Yair Lapid’s Yesh Atid – are all to his right. But as he moves rightwards, so does the Joint Arab List, as reflected in its support of Sheikh Raed Salah, leader of the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement. The List has also taken up the sheikh’s fanatical religious agenda with the battle-cry, “Al-Aqsa is in danger!”

The behaviour of the Arab MKs borders on irresponsibility to their public. They fail to differentiate between the just struggle against the occupation and the extreme religious aims of the Northern Branch, which are contrary to democracy and tolerance. Apart from deepening the hatred and suspicion between Jews and Arabs, the Islamic Movement also harms Arab society because it promotes an atmosphere of seclusion, religious terror and violence against women. It also harms Arab intellectuals and drives away those who aspire to a modern, secular society. Because of narrow electoral considerations, the secular parties – Tagammush (Nationalists) and Hadash (Communists) – are dragged after the Islamic Movement and the propaganda spread by Al-Jazeera, just as Herzog’s rightward shift stems from the need to garner votes.

Now, when the Labor Party talks about separation walls and a peace conference including the Arab states as an alternative to direct talks with the Palestinians; when the term “dismantling the settlements” has disappeared from political discourse; when it mouths off about “united” Jerusalem as Israel’s capital; then there is no realistic chance of solving the conflict. Like Netanyahu, Herzog proposes managing the conflict, not solving it, only he wants to do it more shrewdly: with US-European support as well as the participation of Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the Palestinian Authority. Herzog aims for endless negotiations under Arab and international patronage, a policy that is bound to fail as it did with past Labor government. This strategy plays straight into the hands of the right wing, who continue the mantra “There is no partner for peace” while striving for a creeping annexation of Greater Israel.

Sadly, the Joint Arab List’s ranting, while backing the Islamic Movement’s Northern Branch, has made it ineffectual. During the last elections, the Arab voters’ demand from their representatives was clear: they wanted a large Arab bloc that would address their day-to-day needs instead of waving empty nationalistic slogans. Arab voters asked these representatives to use the mandate they were granted to improve their social and economic conditions without ignoring the need to end the occupation. But in reality, voters got the opposite: slogans and demonstrations whose theme is religious after the fashion of ISIS. Instead of a rational, civil democratic discourse, the program of the Islamic caliphate has raised its head as an alternative to an independent, democratic Palestinian state.

When Herzog makes eyes at the Jewish right wing, and the Joint Arab List tries to attract the Arab right wing, a political black hole opens between them. It swallows all Jews and Arabs who seek to put an end to the occupation, refuse to take part in the religious war, and aspire to an egalitarian democratic society. Herzog’s future partnership with Lapid and the Haredim will not lead to the kind of civil and political revolution which is needed to put an end to the occupation and vanquish the right wing. Likewise, the partnership between Balad, Hadash, and the Islamic Movement does nothing for the Arab citizens of Israel. It prevents an effective struggle against the Israeli right wing and renders impossible any Jewish-Arab cooperation.

During recent stormy demonstrations, when the streets were awash with ranting and incitement, some Arab intellectuals took a clear stand against the path chosen by the Joint Arab List. They rejected all cooperation with the Islamic Movement and criticized the way the List was being dragged after the slogan “Al-Aqsa is in danger”. The same people raised their voices when Islamic sheikhs prevented a women’s marathon from being held in Tira, stopped a theatre production or forbade the teaching of certain books which were not in keeping with their extreme religious worldviews. Even though these intellectuals are a minority at present, they are consistent voices that understand the dangers of fundamentalist Islam – the Islam now bringing about the collapse of Iraq, Syria and Yemen – and they refuse to have anything to do with it.

In Jewish society too there are many who are sick of the Labor Party and the corrupt political establishment as a whole, which brings nothing but intifadas and war, proposing no alternative. The Israeli “peace camp” and the Joint Arab List are leading us into a dead end. This highlights the need to establish a new democratic Jewish-Arab movement as an alternative to the messianism and nationalism that dominate both sides of the political map. Instead of a gaping black hole we need a political magnet to draw all the sane democratic voices, both Jewish and Arab, that are sick of the racist slogan “Us here and them there.” These voices seek an end to prettified apartheid. They yearn for a normal, equal life of partnership.

• Translated by Yonatan Preminger

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Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is astonished and confused, Education Minister Naphtali Bennett is hurt and bewildered. How did it come to this? The present wave of protests and stabbings causing panic and horror in Israel was unexpected. How did an “old piece of shrapnel in the butt” (Bennett’s metaphor for the Palestinians under occupation) become a threat to the heart of the nation? It’s incomprehensible, it just can’t be, it goes against all the appraisals.

True, just before he slammed the door shut behind him, US Secretary of State John Kerry warned them that the third intifada was on the way, but they chuckled to themselves and said “Good riddance.” After all, who do Kerry and US President Barack Obama think they are, daring to warn Israel? They don’t even grasp the fact that the real danger is Iran, and that the Palestinians will get along with Israel just fine if only the Americans and the rest of the world would stop egging them on.

Netanyahu thinks he offered the Palestinians something far better than a tiny failed state: he offered them an “economic peace” that would douse their thirst for independence. And indeed, the patent was effective for a certain time: opinion polls suggested that the Palestinians were not interested in an uprising, and that the 150,000 civil servants constituted a firm base of support for the Palestinian Authority (PA). For PA President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen), the security coordination with Israel, based on the persecution of Hamas, is in the Palestinian national interest.

Hamas too has no desire for another round of violence. It is still licking the terrible wounds it received in the last war, not to mention the enormous pressure that Egypt is exerting on it. A Qatari representative is negotiating with Israel, and trucks loaded with fine goods are supposed to ease the hardships of the siege on Gaza. When Abu Mazen has no interest in an intifada, and Hamas doesn’t want war, Netanyahu can rest on the laurels of occupation and turn to critical issues like passing its budget. He can dream of quiet until the next elections, which are some years down the road. The current coalition of 61 Knesset members (out of 120) is not comfortable, but there is no reason why more parties, such as Yitzhak Herzog’s Labor or Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beitenu, shouldn’t join in the future. The post of Foreign Minister awaits whichever of them jumps in.

This is an ideal situation for Israel’s messianic right wing. It is to be found in the heart of the Likud, not just in Bennett’s Habayit Hayehudi. Under the patronage of a messianic government, the “price tag” gangs go out into the West Bank to promote the messianic idea by destroying agricultural lands and property, as well as harming Palestinians—even burning a family in its home— if the High Court annoys them. The army operates alongside the settlers, backing them as they spread terror. The army also fulfills the daily tasks of managing the occupation, directing the checkpoints, and indiscriminately firing on civilians. As if all this were not enough, Netanyahu’s ministers undertake strange projects, like trying to incorporate aspects of ancient Hebrew law into legislation or encouraging groups that seek to build the “third temple” on the site of the Al-Aqsa Mosque. Suddenly they make themselves over as enlightened liberals, naming freedom of worship as the basis for the Jews’ right to pray there. They mean to show the world that the Temple Mount is at last “in our hands” (as the Paratroopers said on conquering the place in 1967).

But all the calculations have now been proved wrong. Netanyahu and his partners forgot to consider another factor with an important role in the arena. Till now this factor has not been thought likely to upset the balance. It is not in the occupied territories and it has no Qassam rockets or explosive belts; it merely spreads an ideology. The factor is Sheikh Raed Salah, a citizen of Israel. He is based in Um al-Fahm, his father is a former policeman, and he once served as the town’s mayor. Thus he is very familiar with the Israeli political system. It was this Sheikh Salah who coined the slogan, “Al-Aqsa is in danger” in order to attract supporters. Like its sister slogan on the Israeli right, “Peres will divide Jerusalem,” Salah’s slogan has proven its efficacy.

But these are not just slogans. Each is a kind of code, expressing an ideological and political agenda. It is not by chance that both slogans entered the public arena in the same year, 1996—a formative year for both the Likud and the Islamic Movement. After participating in the incitement that led to Rabin’s assassination a year earlier, Netanyahu campaigned successfully against Shimon Peres in the 1996 elections. In the same campaign, the Islamic Movement decided to take part in elections for the first time. But the Northern Branch of that movement, led by Sheikh Salah, came out against cooperating with the state’s institutions, refused to take part, and split from the rest of the Islamic Movement. 1996 was also the year that Netanyahu opened the tunnel along the Western (“Wailing”) Wall, enflaming the issue of Al-Aqsa. In response, Salah convened the first mass assembly of his new movement in Um al-Fahm’s soccer stadium. Here he voiced the slogan “Al-Aqsa is in danger.”

And now after nearly 20 years they meet again. Though Netanyahu insists he has no intention of “disturbing the status quo on the Temple Mount”, he leads a messianic rightwing government that is free of all constraints. “If I am elected to another term in office, no Palestinian state will be established,” he promised in his desperate speech on the evening of Election Day. But Sheikh Salah too is free of all constraints. He left the mayor’s office a long time ago and has become “Sheikh Al-Aqsa”, the most revered persona in Palestine. With the support of Al-Jazeera, which is owned by Qatar, he sets the tone. As Netanyahu provides him with endless excuses for friction, Salah grasps every opportunity to retaliate in the same coin. Together they create a primordial world nurtured by messianic visions that threaten to engulf us all.

Let there be no mistake: both leaders are realistic, each keeping a close eye on the civil wars that have rocked the region since the Arab Spring, but each understands reality very differently and reaches conclusions that suit his worldview. In the collapse of Yemen, Syria and Iraq, and in the chaos of Egypt, Netanyahu sees proof that the Palestinian question has ceased to be the focus of the Middle East conflict, that the crumbling Arab world does not constitute a strategic threat to Israel, and that consequently there is no urgent need for peace with the Palestinians. From this he surmises that the occupation is here to stay and that the Palestinians must get used to it.

For Sheikh Salah, the wars in the region are another kind of opportunity. His ideological partners have set up an Islamic state in Mosul in Iraq and in Raqqa in Syria. They are on their way to Darnah in Libya and al-Mulqa in southern Yemen. The West’s ineffective war on ISIS is additional proof that the days of the messiah are drawing near: during a demonstration in front of Al Aqsa, the sheikh’s deputy, Kamal Khatib—before the astonished MKs of Balad (an Arab party)—promised to establish the Islamic Caliphate in Jerusalem after vanquishing the occupation.

In this limited sense, both Netanyahu and Salah are proving themselves to be able leaders. Each is drawing his people along with their various parties and movements. Yair Lapid spreads his racism while standing with Netanyahu in his “war on terror”; Labor’s Herzog makes every effort to outflank Netanyahu on the right, proposing a siege, an iron fist, and even a “regional council” for managing the conflict. The latter, says Herzog, will consist of enlightened regimes like those of General Sisi in Egypt and the royal houses of Jordan and Saudi Arabia. But Netanyahu chooses to manage the conflict himself. On the other side, Salah proves that it is he who sets the agenda among Arabs in Israel, exploiting the despair of the Palestinian people on both sides of the Green Line. From Jerusalem to Sakhnin, all Arab parties without exception are dragged after him, while their leaders follow Salah, declaiming, “In spirit, in blood, we will redeem you Al-Aqsa.”

Netanyahu and Salah dominate public discourse. The 30 seats that Netanyahu got during the last elections, a remarkable achievement by itself, were achieved by bashing the Arabs. This is the working premise of every average Israeli politician. If Herzog wants to be prime minister, he too must move rightwards. The same dynamic can be found among Israel’s Arabs. Arab politicians know they only stand to lose voters if they challenge what the Sheikh says. Salah does not participate in the elections, because he and the Salafists believe democracy is heresy, but voters respond to his influence. Arabs have lost all faith in the government and the prime minister. They are certain that everything Netanyahu says is a lie, while everything the Sheikh says is revered. The Prime Minister and the Sheikh have usurped the reasoning powers of their followers, and the two peoples, motivated by contradictory messianic visions, are rushing towards the point of no return.

Since this is the case, Netanyahu has taken recourse to the ultimate wonder-drug by outlawing the Sheikh. He has overcome Fatah and vanquished Hamas, but now an even more extreme threat has appeared, and he is desperately trying to suppress it. History shows that the subjection of Fatah brought Hamas, and the suppression of Hamas led to al-Qaeda; the suppression of Sheikh Salah will bring an even more extreme leader. The response to Jewish messianism is Islamic messianism.

If we do not create an Arab-Jewish democratic front that can tilt the scales away from the messianic agenda, we will descend into an intractable religious war. Netanyahu is leading us there, and that is why we must send him packing. As for Sheikh Salah and his adherents, the best way of neutralizing their influence is to put an end to the occupation, create a real democracy, and ensure equality and social justice for all.

– Translated by Yonatan Preminger

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When I see that the aggressiveness of the right-wing Israeli government pushes the Palestinians into religious radicalization, that the value of Arab citizens lives is less than that of the Jewish ones, and that they even become a greater danger when they “stream” to the ballot-boxes, that this same government sows fear and terror in the bellies of Israeli children and grownups, whose cul-de-sac is getting darker by the day, and when I hear the defense minister promising the Palestinians to live under oppression and occupation forever and ever, under the shadow of the settlers terror, when Arabs are burned in their homes at night and their murderers are not found, when the opposition suggests a rough treatment against the Palestinians – I understand that there is no leadership in Israel.
When I see the ongoing security coordination with the occupation for the meagre pennies collected by the corrupt Palestinian Authority in Ramallah, and that Hamas is hiding behind the youngsters pushing them to the fence and sacrificing them to cover up for their security coordination with Israel – I understand that there is no leadership in Palestine.
When I see the irresponsible behavior of the Arab leadership and parties in Israel dealing with the grave situation, and their surrender to the ISIS program of the caliphate in Jerusalem, and their support for the Arab dictators Assad and Sisi, and for the gulf princes headed by Qatar – I understand that there is no leadership to the Arabs in Israel.
The struggle against the occupation policy, the racism and the poverty, is my way, and Arabs and Jews are my partners, and at the end of the tunnel I see liberty, democracy and social justice to the people and the individual – Palestinian and Israeli. This is an invitation to build a sane alternative that will represent society, stop the blood bath, and will lead us to the haven of rest that we all deserve.

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